In this context, it should be mentioned that the purpose of the decentralization policy is mainly to indict redistribution of power, to provide greater degrees of autonomy to subnational entities and the propensity to legitimize the State, which implies that political decentralization is typically conceived as a response to the crisis of legitimacy of the central state, to maintain power, offers grants to governments ‘regional’ and transfers of resources and power. As clearly shown by others, the strong tendency that the Mexican political system and to present the evolution of federalism within the territory is exercised by mentioning the following: 1). With regard to the educational aspect, the case of Mexico, similar to the Argentine, can be classified as an example of decentralization from the center to regain legitimacy eroded, giving little, transferring responsibilities and seeking to decentralize the conflict, having started in the nineties represents a central government project that maintains the political and normative when local governments do not have the appropriate mechanisms to control education. Among the arguments for change supported by raised, asserted the differences that can be achieved, even between federal states, if the unit of the educational system is promoted from sub-national governments or imposed from the center, noting that, unquestionably, the educational decentralization represents an alternative to bureaucratic centralism and maintains its potential to grant legitimacy to governments that seek, although some are reluctant to lose degrees of control. Undeniably, one of the pillars (not expressed) who supported the project, was the finding that when there is an effective political decentralization and a share of power, the central government wins degrees of legitimacy, especially if done by projects through fiscal policy, reduce disparities between rich and poor, 2). The reform bill recently introduced by President Felipe Calderon, whereby it proposed to issue a professional code unified for all the Federation and all States belonging, and 3).
Before the Judiciary of the Federation, has also been expressed and the intention to Mexico for new directions in the federalism clear example was the statement of the Minister Sergio Valls Hernandez in pursuit of a new judicial federalism, who noted that the essence of your project, so will not change what already exists in the field, but to add new possibilities, including local amparo in the states of the federation. Roughly speaking, the change would be the adoption by the states in their state constitutions, a list of fundamental rights and a local trial the defense, without losing sight of that state courts would not be competent to interpret the fundamental rights of the federal constitution, would have jurisdiction to apply only in cases of state law. Politically, the Minister Valls project represents a considerable effect of enlarging the autonomy of states, which crowned the state that it is only a first step towards the new Mexican judicial federalism, then, according to their position, could also promoted a reform that would allow state courts to take over the nullification of state laws and state constitutional controversies. In conclusion, I should mention that, personally, in relation to the state organization in Mexico today, I notice in political action, legal and administrative bodies exercising power, a clear tendency to lead the country by horizon which will lead to a genuine exercise of federalism, possibly leading him towards its consolidation in the characteristics of which have called “new federalism.” That’s all